Tillamook Indian basketry : continuity and change as seen in the Adams Collection

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Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1983 Tillamook Indian basketry : continuity and change as seen in the Adams Collection Ailsa Elizabeth Crawford Portland
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1983 Tillamook Indian basketry : continuity and change as seen in the Adams Collection Ailsa Elizabeth Crawford Portland State University Let us know how access to this document benefits you. Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons, Fiber, Textile, and Weaving Arts Commons, and the Indigenous Studies Commons Recommended Citation Crawford, Ailsa Elizabeth, Tillamook Indian basketry : continuity and change as seen in the Adams Collection (1983). Dissertations and Theses. Paper /etd.3253 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. For more information, please contact AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Ailsa Elizabeth Crawford for the Master of Arts in Anthropology presented July 22, Title: Tillamook Indian Basketry: Continuity and Change as seen in The Adams Collection. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: Wayne Sut~ies, ~na1rman Daniel J. Scheans I5ale Archibald Mary Const j { a1 In the Adams Collection at the Tillamook County Pioneer Museum, Tillamook, Oregon, there are 29 baskets that were probably made between 1880 and They are mostly of raffia, are somewhat faded from their original, bright, commerciai colors, and are generally quite small. Despite the fact that these baskets are well-documented and were made by Tillamook women, they are the sort that have been overlooked by anthropologists and by collectors because of their non- traditional appearance. In order to determine what relationship these baskets have to Tillamook basketry made earlier, I analyzed them and 39 Tillamook baskets from four 2 other museum collections for features of structural and.decorative techniques, shape, size, and stitch qualities, and noted the.materials used. From this basketry analysis, I have found that those features which show the greatest amount of variation are size, shape, and materials used. By using Graburn's analysis of the changes in the arts and crafts of colonially-dominated peoples, those of the Fourth World, I have been able to demonstrate that the variations which appear in the Adams Collection baskets are those which can be expected to be found in the arts of people undergoing cultural disruptions and are not unique to the Adams baskets. Both the Adams baskets and many of the baskets in the rest of my sample appear to have developed from a Nehalem Tillamook tradition. These baskets possess many features in common with some of the basketry from the neighboring Chinookan Clatsop and the linguistically related Salishan Chehalis and may well bear far greater resemblance to the basketry from these groups than to the basketry from the southern part of the Tillamook area, which through population disruption and decimation and an overlay of ambiguous Siletz attribution, can only be guessed at. I have concluded that there probably was not a Tillamook basketry style co-terminous with the Tillamook language but that within the Tillamook-speaking area, baskets were made that were local variations developed from a very widespread tradition found in southwestern Washington and northwestern Oregon and that the Adams Collection of baskets is simply the most recent development.of the Nehalem Tillamook tradition. TILLAMOOK INDIAN BASKETRY: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE AS SEEN. IN THE ADAMS COLLECTION by AILSA ELIZABETH CRAWFORD A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in ANTHROPOLOGY Portland State University 6J 1983 TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH: The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Ailsa Elizabeth Crawford presented July 22, Wayne suitles, Chairman Daniel J. Scheans Dale Archibald Marc R. Feldesman, Head, Department of Anthropology Studies and Research ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Wayne Suttles for his invaluable guidance throughout the course of this research and most especially for the moral support that his enthusiam for the topic gave me. The comments and criticisms from Dr. Daniel J. Scheans and Dale Archibald were helpful, and their interest in this study was encouraging. Wayne Jensen, Director of the Tillamook County Pioneer Museum has been most generous with his time and with the facilities of the museum. To my mother, Janet Witter, I extend a special thanks for her belief that this was possible, for her financial support, and for her illustrations of Tillamook basketry techniques and motifs. I am grateful to Carolyn Marr for bringing the Wilkes Collection to my attention, to Daniel D. Sullivan for his help with the lettering for the maps, and to Sheila Crawford, Mary Richardson, and Yvonne Hajda for their moral support. The deadlines for this study would never have been met without the skill and understanding of Margaret LaFaive, who typed the manuscript. And finally, I am indebted to the Jacobs Research Fund for supporting the initial research I did with Rena Boyer in 1977 and to Rena, herself, for her knowledge and memories of the Garibaldi Tillamook Indians. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES CHAPTER TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE iii vi vii I INTRODUCTION The Adams Collection Statement of Purpose 3 II THE TILLAMOOK INDIANS Territory 0 0 Language The Regional Setting of the Tillamook 0 The Relations of the Tillamook With Their Neighbors A Synoptic History of the Tillamook III IV The Effect of the Reservations on the Tillamook 0 The Adams Family THE TILLAMOOK AS A FOCUS OF RESEARCH Sources of Bias 0 Tillamook Basketry in the Literature THE BASKETRY The Distribution of Basketry Techniques in North America... Archeological Evidence for Twining Data Source Data Collecting v Data Analysis. Tillamook Basketry Technology Structural Techniques Decorative Techniques Shape Materials Design Motifs Symbolism The Adams Collection The Other Tillamook Group. V CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN TILLAMOOK BASKETRY. Sources of Continuity in Tillamook Basketry. Sources of Change in Tillamook Basketry Directions of Change Tillamook Basketry Style Summary and Conclusions REFERENCES CITED APPENDIX A - TILLAMOOK BASKETRY TERMS APPENDIX B - THE BASKETRY LIST OF TABLES TABLE I Tillamook Basketry Attribute Variables PAGE 43 II Tillamook Basket Shapes 49 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. Map, Indian Language Groups of the Coasts of Washington and Oregon 2. Map, the Garibaldi Area 3. The Genealogy of Basket-makers of the Adams Family 4. Basketry Analysis Form 5. Basketry Analysis Cards 6. Basketry Techniques 7. Basketry Motifs Basketry Motifs 9. TCPM TCPM TCPM TCPM TCPM (left to right) 1309, 1306, 1321, TCPM TCPM 1314 (side) 16. TCPM 1314 (base) 17. TCPM uo uo vii FIGURE PAGE 20. uo UP OHS 18783/ CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION My original approach to this study of Tillamook basketry was shaped by the classic literature on the basketry of North American Indians, as exemplifiied by Otis T. Mason (1904) and by the description of basketry in the ethnographies of particular groups in the Northwest Coast. My initial purpose was to examine Tillamook baskets in order to describe the traditional Tillamook style and to compare it with the basketry styles of the surrounding area of the Northwest. As my research progressed, I gradually cam~ to realize that my sample of baskets did not necessarily represent traditional basketry and that even the question of what was traditional would have to be explored. Fortunately, it was at this point that I found Nelson H. H. Graburn's illuminating introduction to Ethnic and Tourist Arts (1976), an anthology concerning the transition of ethnic arts from their function in traditional societies to their function in societies dominated by colonial powers. The framework that Graburn has proposed for the analysis of the acculturation of ethnic arts has enabled me to focus on a group of baskets which exhibit many nontraditional features but which, for all of these non-traditional features, are no 2 less the product of Tillamook basket-makers and are derived from Tillamook antecedents. THE ADAMS COLLECTION The baskets which are the focus of this study are in the Adams Collection in the Tillamook County Pioneer Museum in Tillamook, Oregon. Many of the 29 baskets in this collection were made by women of the Adams family of Garibaldi, a town 10 miles north of Tillamook, Oregon, and situated on Tillamook Bay. I It seems likely that none of these baskets were made before 1880, while the most recent ones may have been made in the early 1930s. The collection was donated to the museum in 1935 by members of the Adams family. Nearly all of the baskets are made in variations of twining techniques and occur in a range of sizes and shapes. Most of them are decorated and many are made of non-native material, such as raffia. Until recently, with the publication of papers such as those in the Graburn anthology and Brasser (1975) on Algonkian basketry change, there has been no developed context for the study of nontraditional, or acculturated, arts. Baskets like those in the Adams Collection have received little serious attention. Classic studies of basketry have usually focused on the traditional attributes of baskets; baskets which exhibited non-traditional qualities may have been seen as anomalous or aberrant or untypical and were easily set aside. The baskets in the Adams Collection might have suffered the same fate were it not that they are in a collection in a museum, are 3 well-documented for provenience and general date of manufacture and that there are 29 of them; too many to dismiss as casually as one might a single basket. Graburn has demonstrated that it is possible to examine such a collection as the Adams's baskets as arts of the Fourth World. In this context, the focus of analysis is not only the product but also the process of the development of the product from a native tradition of style and craft to its most recent form. STATEMENT OF PURPOSE The purpose of this study is to place the Adams Collection of Tillamook baskets within a Tillamook style through the study of other known Tillamook basketry, the study of basketry of neighboring and related groups, and from a survey of the available literature about the Tillamook, as well as from my notes about the Adams family, which I made during conversations with Rena Boyer, an Adams family member. CHAPTER II THE TILLAMOOK INDIANS The word Tillamook is derived from the Chinook term for the people of Nehalem (Boas 1898:23). As it is now used, Tillamook includes the people and the dialect variations of the Nehalems, Tillamooks, Nestuccas, Salmon Rivers, and Siletz (Hodge 1907: 418, 572, 750, and 757), and I have used it in this inclusive manner. The Nehalem term for their language was hutyayu (Edel 1939:2). Hodge cites a number of terms that may ref er to other local dialects and population centers, but precise geographic designations are absent. I know of no native term that is equivalent to the current usage of Tillamook , whether for the people or for the language. TERRITORY The Tillamook occupied the western slope of the Coast Range, along the ocean coast of Oregon (See Figures 1 and 2). The northernmost boundary was at Tillamook Head, just south of Seaside, and the southernmost boundary was at Otter Rock, south of the Siletz River mouth. This area included the Nehalem, Nestucca, Salmon, and Siletz rivers, and Tillamook Bay and the rivers that flow into it (Berreman 1937:39), each with its own population. The Tillamook may have claimed hunting areas up into the Coast Range, as Berreman describes for the STRAIT '- ~ OF 1u~. DE FUCA MAKAH ~ 5 GARIBALDI AREA FIGURE 6 PACIFIC OCEAN QUINAULT LOWER CHEHALIS TILLAMOOK.! ~-- : i \LUSHOOTSEED : UPPER\.i.. CHEHAus J. ..... ~.,.... COLUMBfA COWL/ TZ '.... ~Ri'VE:R.... \\.. ~! flok'ra. ( : ~. \},.....,...-.,. KLA TSl ANI E ~. } \.. :rualatin :. CHINOOK :.,..., :.. :,.... : ~ ~ i , \ i CENTRAL \ \ KALAPUYA ;. :... -=. :. i.,:,' , ,......,...(YONCALLA\ i ' :... Figure 1. Indian Language Groups of the Coasts of Washington and Oregon. Map adapted from the preliminary version of Suttles 1978. 6 RIVER~ ~~~ PACIFIC OCEAN Figure 2. The Garibaldi Area. Alsea (1937:37). The vil~ages recorded by Lewis and Clark were all situated near the river mou~hs (Coues 1893:796). 7 LANGUAGE The Tillamook language was the most southerly of the Salishan languages, the greater number of which were spoken in Washington and British Columbia. Tillamook-speakers were separated from their linguistic relatives by Chinookan-speakers along the Columbia River. Tillamook was spoken in several dialects. While Edel (1939:2) says that a northern and a southern dialect existed, the Thompsons (1966:313) describe an intergrading series of dialects for the area. Louis Fuller (Harrington 1942:0342), a Salmon River Tillamook, said that his speech was a little different from Tillamook spoken further north and that the Nehalem dialect was different yet but that he could understand it. THE REGIONAL SETTING OF THE TILLAMOOK On the basis of ethnographic data and environmental similarity, scholars who have distinguished sub-areas within the Northwest Coast culture area have generally included the Tillamook with the Salishan speakers of western Washington, the Chinookan and Athapaskan speakers of the Lower Columbia and, minimally, the northern portion of the Oregon coast. Lewis (1906:202), Kroeber (1939:30), and Driver and Massey (1957:173) include the Tillamook within a sub-area.of the Northwest Coast, while Murdock and O'Leary (1975:3:67) have proposed an O~egon Seaboard culture 8 area coordinate with the Northwest Coast culture area extending southward from Shoalwater Bay into northwestern California. Murdock and O'Leary and Kroeber distinguish the ocean orientation found further north from the orientation toward bays and rivers found among the people from Puget Sound southward, including the Tillamook. The place of the Tillamook in the general Northwest Coast culture area appears to be secure, despite the lack of detailed, descriptive material about them. THE RELATIONS OF THE TILLAMOOK WITH THEIR NEIGHBORS The neighbors of the Tillamook were all speakers of non-salishan languages. To the north, along the coast, were the Chinookan Clatsop and inland, on the Nehalem River drainage, were the Athapaskan Klatskanie. To the east, on the far side of the Coast Range, from north to south, were the Kalapuyan speakers of Tualatin-Yamhill, Mary's River, and Yoncalla. South, along the coast, were the Alsean, Siuslawan, and Coosan speakers. The Tillamook maintained social relations with these groups, and this is reflected in the evidence that we have of trade and of marriage. Early explorers noted the movement of goods throughout the area, and the genealogies of Tillamook families give evidence of the movement of people. The Klatskanie, about whom very little is known, are the one group of people for which I have found no direct evidence of trade or marriage with the Tillamook. I assume that they were participants in the trading that was general in the Northwest, particularly since they were situated in an area that was probably traversed by people moving goods between the coast and the Willamette Valley. 9 Trade Lewis and Clark encountered Clatsop and Chinook people trading with the Tillamook for whale oil, and later saw Cathlamet people trading with the Clatsop for some of the same oil (Thwaites 1905(3):329). Bear-grass (Xerophyllum tenax) and wapato (Sagittaria latifolia) tubers were also items of trade, since they were not native to the coast environment. Marriage Silas Smith (1901:256), the son of Celiast (also known as Helen), a Clatsop woman, and Solomon Smith, a White man in the Wyeth party, wrote of Tillamook men bringing Chehalis or Chinook women in for marriage and of Tillamook women leaving for marriage elsewhere. Lewis and Clark noted houses of both the Clatsop and Tillamook in the vicinity of Seaside, where they established their salt-cairn (Thwaites 1905(3):313). Nearly 90 years later, Boas (1894) found that Clatsop people were speaking the Nehalem dialect of Tillamook near Seaside; the result of what Boas discovered was a long history of intermarriage between the two groups. The genealogies of the Indians who have worked with anthropologists, linguists, and other researchers illustrate the intermarriage among groups within and without the Tillamook area. Louis Fuller was an informant at Siletz for both Barnett (1937) and Harrington (1942). Fuller's father's father was a Tillamook from Salmon River and his father's mother was a Clatsop. His mother's father was from Yaquina and her 10 mother was from Siletz. Clara Pearson, a Tillamook neighbor of the Adamses, was at one time married to an Alsea (Harrington 1942:0797). A Tualatin village chief was said to be part Tillamook, which was quite possible since the Tualatin Kalapuya were known to have travelled to the coast to trade with the Tillamook to fish and to get wives (Gatschet 1877, in Zenk 1976:46). Rena Boyer's mother's mother's father was Tillamook and her mother's mother's mother was Clatsop. A SYNOPTIC HISTORY OF THE TILLAMOOK Among the earliest of the recorded meetings of Europeans with people believed to be Tillamook was that of a crew of the American ship.columbia, connnanded by Robert Gray; they dropped anchor in what may have been Tillamook Bay where, once on shore, an altercation ensued. One of the crew was killed by the Indians; and in retaliation, the ringleader of the Indians was shot. The place was recorded in the ship's log as Murderer's Harbour, but little about the native people was reported (Haswell, in Howay 1969:34). In the winter of , members of the Lewis and Clark Expedition lived on Clatsop Plains, north of the Tillamook. They recorded their observations about the Indians there, including the Tillamook; and during a trip south, perhaps as far as Nehalem Bay, they elicited information from which they estimated that there were about 1,000 Tillamook living in 50 houses in the area (Thwaites 1905(3):117). 11 Later estimates of the Tillamook population were much lower than those of Lewis and Clark; in 1845 Wilkes reported that there were 400 Tillamook and in 1849 Lane recorded only 200 (Hodge 1907(2): ). While these figures may reflect differences in where and how a census or estimate was arrived at, there is little doubt that an actual decline in the population size did occur and may have been caused, in part, by the epidemics of the 1830s. Although the epidemics were centered in the Willamette Valley, from where they spread to the coast along the Columbia River, and appear not to have moved southward on the coast at that time (Boyd 1975:139), the Tillamook were in the infected areas for the purposes of trade and marriage. Beckham (1977) has described the events that altered the lives of the Indians of western Oregon as domination by the White settlers and the government occurred. The Tillamook were affected by many of these events. The fur trade brought the first big influx of Whites into the northwest corner of Oregon. In 1811, the Pacific Fur Company was established by Astor at Fort George, now Astoria; and in 1825, the Hudson's Bay Company built Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River, now the site of Vancouver, Washington. In 1850 the Oregon Donation Land Act was passed. It gave land to Oregon settlers, but it was Indian land for which the government had not acquired the title. In order for the government to obtain title to the land, Anson Dart travelled along the coast of Oregon mak~ng treaties with the Indians, but these treaties were never ratified by Congress. 12 White settlement not only took land away from the Indians, but finally took many of the Indians away from their lands. In order to remove the Indi
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