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Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Indonesian Social Development Papers Since 1998, Indonesia has been undergoing
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Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Indonesian Social Development Papers Since 1998, Indonesia has been undergoing a momentous political and economic transition. The fall of the New Order, the economic crisis (krismon), and radical decentralization have changed the political, economic and social context. Within this new context, power relations are in flux, identities are being renegotiated, and institutions are changing. Changes in incentives, and in the role of formal and informal institutions at various levels, have altered the ways in which individuals and groups relate to each other and the state. Understanding this new context, and the ways in which various actors (national and international) can promote progressive social change is important. The Indonesian Social Development Papers series aims to further discussion on a range of issues relating to the current social and political context in Indonesia, and to help in the generation of ideas on how democratic and peaceful transition can be supported. The series will cover a range of issues including conflict, development, corruption, governance, the role of the security sector, and so on. Each paper presents research on a particular dimension of social development and offers pragmatic policy suggestions. Papers also attempt to assess the impact of various interventions from local and national actors, as well as international development institutions on preexisting contexts and processes of change. The papers in the series are works in progress. The emphasis is on generating discussion amongst different stakeholders including government, civil society, and international institutions rather than offering absolute conclusions. It is hoped that they will stimulate further discussions of the questions they seek to answer, the hypotheses they test, and the recommendations they prescribe. Luthfi Ashari and Patrick Barron (series editors) Local Conflict and Community Development in Indonesia Assessing the Impact of the Kecamatan Development Program Patrick Barron Rachael Diprose Michael Woolcock July 2006 Indonesian Social Development Paper No. 10 Papers in the Indonesian Social Development series are not formal publications of the World Bank. They are published informally and circulated to encourage discussion and comment between those interested in Indonesian development issues. The findings, interpretations, judgments, and conclusions expressed in the paper are those of the authors and should not be attributed to: the World Bank and affiliated organizations; members of the World Bank s Board of Executive Directors or the governments they represent; the UK Department for International Development (DFID); or the Decentralization Support Facility in Indonesia. The full range of publications associated with the broader study of local conflict in Indonesia (of which this report is a product) is available online at addresses for correspondence: Copies of this paper are available from: Decentralization Support Facility Jalan Diponegoro No. 8 Jakarta Indonesia Tel: +62 (0) Fax: +62 (0) Photographs by Poriaman Sittangang This report is dedicated to the extraordinary team of field researchers who conducted the qualitative components of this study. In East Java: Novia Cici Anggraini Luthfi Ashari Saifullah Barnawi Endro Crentantoro Imron Rasyid Mohammed Said In NTT: Stanis Didakus Yan Ghewa Agus Mahur Peter Manggut Olin Monteiro Don dela Santo All of them demonstrated patience and perseverance beyond the call of duty, and in the process both generated a wealth of valuable knowledge and afforded us a unique glimpse into the dynamics of social and political change in rural Indonesia. It has been a pleasure and privilege to learn from them, and to have them as our guides on this journey. We hope that the quality and usefulness of the findings (and their implications) reported here do justice to their efforts and talents, and those of the broader community of scholars, activists, local leaders, public officials, journalists, development practitioners, and (most importantly) everyday citizens committed to making democracy work in Indonesia. Local Conflict and Community Development in Indonesia iv One might well ask: Why are we here, in a village of no particular significance, examining the struggle of a handful of history s losers? For there is little doubt on this last score. The poor of Sedeka are almost certainly, to use Barrington Moore s phrase, members of a class over whom the wave of progress is about to roll. And the big battalions of the state, of capitalist relations in agriculture, and of demography itself, are arrayed against them. There is little reason to believe that they can materially improve their prospects in the village and every reason to believe they will, in the short run at least, lose out, as have millions of peasants before them. The justification for such an enterprise must lie precisely in its banality in the fact that these circumstances are the normal context in which class conflict has historically occurred. By examining these circumstances closely, it may be possible to say something meaningful about normal class consciousness, about everyday resistance, about commonplace class consciousness where, as is most often the case, neither outright collective defiance nor rebellion is likely or possible. James Scott, Weapons of the Weak 1 1 Scott (1985, p. 27). v Local Conflict and Community Development in Indonesia vi Executive Summary 1. Introduction and Context This study examines questions relating to the nexus between development projects and different forms of local conflict. It does so by examining how the World Bank/Government of Indonesia s Kecamatan Development Project (KDP) interacts with social tensions and local conflict, and how it affects the nature and extent of local conflict management. By local conflict we mean disputes (violent and non-violent) that play out at the local level that is, at the sub-district level and below. While KDP was not designed as a conflict reduction or management program, it provides a particularly interesting venue for examining the relationship between development (projects) and local conflict. First, at a cumulative cost of over a billion dollars, and having operated in over 28,000 villages (40% of the total) in Indonesia, KDP is the largest social development project in Asia and one of the World Bank s flagship community-driven development (CDD) programs. While many claims, and counterclaims, are made regarding the efficacy of CDD projects generally, and KDP in particular, the evidence base on which to assess any of them remains rather thin. Second, as the community-driven banner implies, KDP is a decentralized project that affords significant opportunities for discretion by local level staff and input by local communities at every stage in the design, selection, and implementation process. Its primary objective is to help participants secure small sub-projects (roads, bridges, water pipes) that accord with their needs, priorities, and values. KDP attempts to realize this objective by applying the design principles of participation, transparency, local choice and accountability to a competitive bidding process, in so doing striving to help villagers (and especially the most marginalized groups) acquire new civic skills and decision-making opportunities for realizing their interests and aspirations. Such skills and opportunities are vital for mediating in constructive ways the conflicts generated by competitive bidding for finite resources, and the issuance of challenges to elite power KDP itself inevitably produces. These skills may also help in the management of other conflicts that are not related to the project. Does KDP, in fact, achieve these goals of heightening conflict mediation capacities? How does it compare with other development projects and the conflicts they inevitably generate? Third, KDP operates in Indonesia, a country in the midst of an ongoing and uneven democratic transition, a process that has, at times, been accompanied by violence. In addition to outbreaks of large-scale and violent communal conflict in a number of locations, and secessionist conflict in two provinces, widespread (and often violent) local conflict has occurred across the country. What are the strengths and limitations of projects like KDP in an unstable social and political environment, where identities, rules, and group relations are being reconfigured, where longstanding grievances now have the space to surface, and where access to power is being renegotiated? Can outside interventions such as KDP support progressive social change in this type of dynamic environment? If so, how? vii Local Conflict and Community Development in Indonesia 2. Research Questions There are two primary questions we seek to answer in this paper: Does KDP generate fewer conflicts, or less serious conflicts, than other development projects? Does participation in KDP help villagers find more constructive solutions to local level conflict in general, and, if so, does it help resolve certain types of local conflict more effectively than others? These questions give rise to a related set of secondary questions: Through what mechanisms are any such positive outcomes achieved, and potentially negative outcomes avoided or minimized? That is, how exactly do these outcomes materialize? What elements of context are important in determining the effects of KDP? What factors either internal to the program or in the local environment in which it operates influence the extent to which and the ways in which the program has an impact? 3. Methods Research Tools Assessing the efficacy of social development projects is difficult because a defining feature of many such projects is the non-standardized ways in which they seek to adapt to idiosyncratic local circumstances and, in the process, generate outcomes (such as enhanced participation and inclusion ) that do not have an established or clear metric. For this reason, our strategy has followed from a canonical, though too often ignored, research principle that the nature of the problem should determine the choice of method(s) used, not vice versa. A methodological strategy was developed that employs a number of different data sources and approaches. A team of twelve researchers and supervisors conducted nine months of qualitative fieldwork in 41 villages. They developed 68 case studies of conflict pathways, which explored the evolution of specific conflicts, some of which were violent, others not. The cases covered a wide range of disputes including land and natural resource conflicts (which range from large ethnic conflicts to private conflicts over inheritance), cases of vigilante justice (against thieves, witchdoctors, etc.), gang fights, political disputes (e.g., over local elections and administrative boundaries), conflict over access to and the management of development resources, and domestic and sexual violence. The researchers also collected rich ethnographic material on 14 topics ranging from how local governments function, to local socio-economic conditions, to the role of traditional and religious leaders, and so on to allow for cross-village comparison. In all, over 800 interviews and 100 focus group discussions were conducted. A key informant survey was conducted in the research villages to gather comparable responses to perception questions relating to KDP, its effect on conflict, and processes of social change. The full survey was conducted in areas that had had KDP; a shorter version was implemented in control sites (shorter, since we obviously could not ask questions about the impact of KDP in areas where KDP was not implemented). In order to assess patterns and forms of conflict, viii Executive Summary and variations between areas, a dataset of conflicts as reported in local newspapers in the research areas, and surrounding districts, was constructed (the KDP & Community Conflict Negotiation dataset). Two other larger-n quantitative surveys were analyzed as part of the study: the Government s Potensi Desa (PODES) survey, which provides information on conflict for all 69,000+ villages in Indonesia; and the World Bank s Governance and Decentralization Survey (GDS). Together, these data sources provide the basis for a comparative framework; utilizing the different data sources can help us control for differences in conflict outcomes, in conflict mechanisms (e.g., conflict resolution attempts, common escalation patterns), and in contexts. At different points the paper uses different units for comparative analysis: sub-district, village and conflict case. Site Selection The qualitative and key informant survey research was conducted in 41 villages in sixteen subdistricts in four districts in two Indonesian provinces: East Java and Nusa Tenggara Timur (NTT). The provinces with the highest levels of conflict in Indonesia were excluded based on the assumption that development projects are most likely to have a measurable effect (positive or negative) at the level at which they are operational. Further, in areas of high-conflict, where levels of violence are significantly affected by external actors and exogenous factors (e.g., military action), it would be much harder to separate out the potential impacts of a local level report from other causal variables in the research sites. Both provinces are thus medium-level conflict sites, with significant levels of local conflict. The provinces vary considerably in terms of population size and density (high in East Java, low in NTT), ethnic homogeneity (homogenous in East Java, heterogeneous in NTT), dominant religious group (Muslim and Catholic, respectively), and provincial development (East Java is relatively rich, NTT extremely poor). The rationale for selecting diverse provinces was that if we find similar patterns in very different contexts, it is more likely that these findings will hold true across other locations. Within each province, two districts were selected based on variations in local capacity ; i.e., the ability of communities and/or the state to collectively solve or manage conflicts when they arise. In high capacity areas, emergent problems are usually handled early and effectively (by formal actors, informal actors, or a combination of both) so that they do not escalate and/or become violent. In low capacity areas, conflicts tend to emerge more easily and escalate and/ or become violent. We chose high and low capacity districts in order to see how KDP works and interacts with conflicts in a range of environments: our high capacity districts were Ponorogo (East Java) and Sikka (NTT); our low capacity districts were Pamekasan (East Java) and Manggarai (NTT). Districts were chosen based on interviews with a range of stakeholders at the national and provincial levels. The newspaper mapping was conducted in the same four districts plus surrounding districts (for a total of seven in each province) in order to determine variation in conflict levels at the district level, and to see how representative our districts were in comparison with their neighbors. Fieldwork was conducted in a total of sixteen sub-districts. Within each district, four sub-districts (kecamatan) were selected. Three were treatment sites (i.e., they had received KDP), and one was a control site (i.e., it had not received KDP). For the first phase of the study we selected locations that had had KDP for at least three years, and matched them ix Local Conflict and Community Development in Indonesia using propensity scoring to match on observable variables and qualitative verification to account for unobservable variables (such as political connections) with demographically and socio-economically identical non-kdp control locations. We later expanded the sample to include a larger range of KDP locations, which had received KDP for varying lengths of time. Villages were selected based on the location of interesting conflict cases identified in the qualitative research, based on detailed criteria aimed at making it easier to control for non-program effects. For the qualitative fieldwork, sampling of informants was driven by two aims. First, we wanted to talk with a wide cross-section of the population within each district, sub-district and village. Special emphasis was placed on talking to non-authority figures, and women. Second, the researchers used snowball sampling in order to find respondents who would be able to provide insights into the cases being followed and, more generally, issues in the village. Focus group discussions were conducted with particular populations groups: poor women; educated/elite women; young men; and poor men. For the key informant survey, eight respondents were interviewed within each village, with an additional three at the kecamatan level. Informants were selected based on their knowledge of KDP, with a balance between elite and non-elite respondents. 4. The Impact of KDP on Local Conflict and Conflict Management Development projects and conflict inevitably go hand in hand, because development is an inherently political and contested process. KDP, or other projects, may have negative impacts on local conflict and conflict management capacity, in ways that are direct and/or indirect. The introduction of new resources into poor areas, for example, can lead to inter-group tensions. Programs like KDP, which aim to empower marginalized groups, also introduce new rules and norms about decision-making procedures, and, in doing so, impact on local power balances and structures. Resistance from elites to such changes is another basis for conflict. Conversely, programs like KDP may have positive impacts on local conflict and conflict management; these may also be direct or indirect. Direct impacts relate to the introduction of facilitators and forums. Are these people and spaces used for managing conflict that is unrelated to the program? KDP might influence local conflicts indirectly through changing the underlying conflict environment, i.e., the structures and norms that make conflicts more or less likely to arise and/ or escalate. It may do so through three mechanisms. First, the introduction of collective decision-making processes, that include involvement from different groups, may change intergroup relations. Second, KDP encourages participation from marginalized groups and collective decision-making. This may lead to behavioral changes and, in doing so, may reshape the relationship between citizens and the state, and between ordinary villagers and elites. Third, KDP may change norms, attitudes, and expectations regarding how disputes should be resolved. KDP and Other Development Projects as Sources of Conflict By introducing new resources and services into poor communities, development programs inevitably shape local conflict dynamics, not only in areas that have experienced high levels of violent conflict but elsewhere, too. Our evidence suggests that KDP and other development x Executive Summary projects frequently trigger conflict, or interact with existing disputes, which can potentially lead to conflict escalation. Importantly, however, KDP-related conflicts are far less likely to escalate and/or turn violent than those relating to other programs. The research found three forms of development-related disputes. First, KDP introduces competition within and between villages over which proposals should be funded; this can and does lead to tensions, in particular when groups feel that the decision-making process was not transparent or fair. However, the research found that over time groups tend to accept the validity of the competition process and, as a result, the outcomes it generates. Only where the program does not function as intended (e.g., where one group has captu
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